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OBJECTIVES: To investigate the effects of different Chinese terms for mental illness and related symptoms on the attitudes of adolescents towards sufferers of a mental illness. METHODS: A survey of 578 secondary school students attending 4 schools in Macao was conducted. Each student read a short passage about a new student with a mental illness joining their class. Different versions used different labels to refer to the illness of the new student. The symptoms describing the new student also varied: either describing positive symptoms of schizophrenia or mild negative symptoms only. The attitudes of participants to the new student described were measured. RESULTS: There were significantly more negative attitudes towards the sufferer of a mental illness referred to with a psychiatric label, compared with a general label 'illness'. Participants also expressed significantly more negative attitudes when positive symptoms of schizophrenia were used to describe the new student. The results are discussed in terms of the influence of labels and symptoms on attitudes towards mental illness. CONCLUSIONS: These results supported the existence of 2 additive costs in terms of negative attitudes towards sufferers of mental illness, one associated with the label and the other associated with the symptoms.
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Vários “pequenos” portugueses fizeram sentir a sua presença na “imensa Asia”, uns quase como reis, alguns como escravos, o maior número simplesmente como portugueses capazes de amar mulheres orientais e ser por elas amados. Capazes de fecundar mulheres de cor e fazer sair dos seus ventres portugueses também de cor.(Several “small” Portuguese made felt their presence in the “enormous Asia”, some as almost kings, others as slaves, the great majority just as Portuguese [who were] able to love oriental women and be loved by them. [They were] able to inseminate women of colour and to make their wombs produce other Portuguese also of colour.)Gilberto Freyre, Aventura e RotinaDespite the dynamics of globalization and rapid economic and political development, it is still noticeable nowadays that several Portuguese creolized communities in postcolonial societies have resisted cultural homogenization, particularly those scattered throughout the detached, peripheral regions of East and Southeast Asia that were under the Estado da Índia's sovereignty and influence (Goa, Daman, Diu, Sri Lanka, Malacca, Macao and Timor) and that the Portuguese created alongside the local political authorities (Indonesia and today's Singapore).By the beginning of the seventeenth century, the official population in the colonies of several territories in Asia that proudly claimed Portuguese ancestry had reached nearly one-and-a-half million individuals, as a legacy of colonial (dis)encounters. Centuries later, the Portuguese descendants of this “shadow empire” forged through trading, matrimonial alliances and cultural networks — notwithstanding a pragmatic adaptation to times of unprecedented political, economic and cultural upheaval — persist in a quest for identity and cultural reaffirmation of “Portuguese” cultural differentiation, which continues to be faithfully perpetuated and transmitted, centuries after the earlier Portuguese contacts ceased. These communities show distinctive aspects of what could be called a certain “Luso-Eurasianness”, exhibited in oral literature, religious practices, family surnames, ceremonies, cuisine, public structures, ways of speaking and, above all, in identity-making religious and cultural reinterpretation of lived and shared commonalities.This study argues that, even if relatively scant attention has been paid to the literary production of the communities considered here, in particular in Anglophone postcolonial studies, they have influenced and continue to exercise seminal influence on most postcolonial imaginaries, either in their respective societies or in the contemporary fiction of the Luso diaspora.
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There is considerable evidence to suggest that the human capital needs of the world city differ from what Robinson calls “ordinary cities” or what Markusen and associates term as “second tier cities”. This path is blazed most notably in the field of world cities and the flow of skilled labour, in the work by Sassen and with case examples (finance, law, accountancy) provided in the work by Beaverstock and his associates. This focuses on producer services and migration flows needs to be matched by an accompanying look at city-based strategies. This paper represents an attempt to provide this by providing a case history analysis of Singapore in three stages of growth – as port city, industrial city and as world city – in order to show how the evolving infrastructure associated with human capital (education, immigration and labour policies) allows human capital to be developed, attracted, harnessed, deployed, released and retained.
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