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Vários “pequenos” portugueses fizeram sentir a sua presença na “imensa Asia”, uns quase como reis, alguns como escravos, o maior número simplesmente como portugueses capazes de amar mulheres orientais e ser por elas amados. Capazes de fecundar mulheres de cor e fazer sair dos seus ventres portugueses também de cor.(Several “small” Portuguese made felt their presence in the “enormous Asia”, some as almost kings, others as slaves, the great majority just as Portuguese [who were] able to love oriental women and be loved by them. [They were] able to inseminate women of colour and to make their wombs produce other Portuguese also of colour.)Gilberto Freyre, Aventura e RotinaDespite the dynamics of globalization and rapid economic and political development, it is still noticeable nowadays that several Portuguese creolized communities in postcolonial societies have resisted cultural homogenization, particularly those scattered throughout the detached, peripheral regions of East and Southeast Asia that were under the Estado da Índia's sovereignty and influence (Goa, Daman, Diu, Sri Lanka, Malacca, Macao and Timor) and that the Portuguese created alongside the local political authorities (Indonesia and today's Singapore).By the beginning of the seventeenth century, the official population in the colonies of several territories in Asia that proudly claimed Portuguese ancestry had reached nearly one-and-a-half million individuals, as a legacy of colonial (dis)encounters. Centuries later, the Portuguese descendants of this “shadow empire” forged through trading, matrimonial alliances and cultural networks — notwithstanding a pragmatic adaptation to times of unprecedented political, economic and cultural upheaval — persist in a quest for identity and cultural reaffirmation of “Portuguese” cultural differentiation, which continues to be faithfully perpetuated and transmitted, centuries after the earlier Portuguese contacts ceased. These communities show distinctive aspects of what could be called a certain “Luso-Eurasianness”, exhibited in oral literature, religious practices, family surnames, ceremonies, cuisine, public structures, ways of speaking and, above all, in identity-making religious and cultural reinterpretation of lived and shared commonalities.This study argues that, even if relatively scant attention has been paid to the literary production of the communities considered here, in particular in Anglophone postcolonial studies, they have influenced and continue to exercise seminal influence on most postcolonial imaginaries, either in their respective societies or in the contemporary fiction of the Luso diaspora.
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Recent scholarly studies and media coverage have primarily focused on China’s increasing presence and sometimes asymmetrical engagement with Africa in tandem with the new trend of Chinese migration to that continent. Yet, the inverse flux of Africans to China and the emergence of African communities in Southern China over the last decades is influencing some areas of the Pearl River Delta Region, and changing the fabric of cities like Guangzhou, Macau and Hong Kong, in a way without precedent. There are representations or exotic descriptions from some mass circulation magazines and newspapers on the infamous Chungking Mansions in Hong Kong or the so-called “Chocolate-city,”an area centered aroundHongqiao, the village-district and Canaan market in the city of Guangzhou, with its arcades and strip malls filled with ethnic businesses and transnational migrants. In Macau, significant concentrations of African population of different origins are also seen in the “Papa pun” commercial center or in downtown areas. Despite many studies devoted to the “ethnoburbs” in other latitudes, only very recently, these entrepreneurial African communities in Mainland China are starting to become worthy of serious scholarly attention. Yet,there is total absence of studies dealing with the presence of more and more African students and the cultural manifestations of African communities well portrayed in the new African cinema, in music produced by Afro-Chinese bands or even singers.Besides a continuing inward flow of transient Africans who come to China for business on a regular basis, a significant number of settler African traders, particularly Nigerians, have already married local Chinese women, set up families, autonomously run their businesses without recourse to Chinese intermediaries, and established a web of informal and formal committees representing their home nations and states, to solve disputes while maintaining personal and business links with Africa. Besides, those emigrant ‘bushfallers’ who are coming to China solely for business purposes, a new form of “silent” migration of Nigerians comprising students from different backgrounds is enrolling in higher education institutions in the Macau Special Administrative Region of China. These students are coming to pursue their studies or to seek a job to pay their student fees at the margin of the PRC scholarship and stipendprograms for visiting African students that were popular in China in the 1960s and mid-1970s as part of CCP’s foreign policy for Third World aiming friendly relations with Africa. Today, these “transnational” Nigerian students are in their own way affirming their identity and difference, in southern China, in particularly in Macau SAR, thanks to their network of multiple interrelations across nation-states from Africa to Asia and to a combination of perseverance, zeal, and gentleness without subservience. Although they have not been targets for the hostility and even violence like the Shanghai incident of July 1979 or the Nanjing protests in December 1988 at Hehai University targeting African students, today these Nigerian students are facing more subtle forms of ethnocentrism and legal discrimination from immigration laws to daily practices, which always try to associate their citizenship to problematic or easy stereotypes of scam or colour. Yet, at the same time, everything seems to indicate that these newcomers are quick adapting and finding new forms of negotiating their social integration in the Chinese local society which in turn is offering more opportunities.This paper is part of a more ambitious project which aims to assess the new forms of migration from Africa to China and from China to Africa as well as their impact and contribution of globalization. First, this paper considers why and how Macau has evolved from a Portuguese outpost where slavery was a an institutionalized commodity to special administrative region of China where a new urban African community, mostly composed by Nigerian students, is in formation due to opportunities and rapid changes occurring in the region in the first years of the twenty-first century, by comparing the new to old African communities of students and business people/migrant workers from former Portuguese colonies (Angola, Cape Verde, São Tomé and Príncipe, Guinea-Bissau, and Mozambique).Finally, borrowing the title from a sequel movie with the same title of the promising New African cinema, the paper focus on the “China Wahala”or the troubles of these Nigerian students through their tales of their experiences of racism(s) and their negotiations and responses which radically contradicts not only the slogans of cultural diversity propagated by the official discourse and tourist channels as these Nigerians are confronted daily with often dramatic situations ranging from indifference and ostracism to exclusion.
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Born in Magule, Mozambique (Portuguese East Africa), João dos Santos Albasini was a mulatto, the leading intellectual in the main center, Lourenço Marques (today, Maputo), the editor of O Africano (The African) founded 1908, and O Brado Africano (The African Voice) founded in 1918, and a champion of worker and African rights. Often characterized as a republican and a moderate, Albasini had a basic education and an appetite for ideas. He was an avid reader of republican theory, syndicalism, and anarchism – all influential in Portugal – and was familiar with a range of radical ideas circulating in the city's thriving café culture.
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